Naushad’s opinion column in Business Standard: Trade and Trump

We should coordinate with friends to make the Trump administration irrelevant to the  world’s progress. 

The last two weeks have seen the president of the United States unleash an attack on  trade with all countries. Not even penguins have been spared. A country like  Singapore, which has carefully balanced its trade with the US, and runs a deficit with  it (unlike almost everyone else), was covered in the blanket 10 percent tariff. It did not  matter if one had a Free-trade agreement with the US signed by Mr Trump himself:  Canada, Mexico, South Korea all were covered. The higher rates have subsequently  been rolled back to 10 percent for all (except China) for the next 90 days. (A relief,  but should we welcome a temporary and partial pause in something thoroughly bad?)  How should the world respond to Mr Trump? How should India?  

The best option is to not respond at all. The president wants the world to come calling,  in search of individual deals. Ignore him. Instead, call one’s friends around the world.  Agree a set of principles consistent with WTO most-favoured nation guidelines. And  start a round of trade liberalisation among the rest of the world. Keep the door open  for the US to join in at a subsequent date, if, and only if, it subscribes upfront to the  same guidelines. Is it practical to conclude a deal without the US? Certainly. The US  may be a large trading nation (it is second only to China), but the rest of the world  together accounts for ten times more of world trade. Over 90 percent of world trade is  unaffected by the US – if we choose to keep it unaffected. We should put our  immediate negotiating effort into trade deals with the rest of the world, not the US. We  can get to the US on our terms and in our time. Let them go ahead with tariffs as they  choose on whomever. So long as countries do not compete to steal a march on each  other in dealing with the US, this option is perfectly viable. What can Mr Trump do, if  no one responds? 

Unfortunately, we see no major country stepping forward to provide that leadership,  whether out of fear or greed. We should be equally happy if none of us know that the  prime minister of Singapore or India has called his counterparts in Canada, the EU,  UK, Mexico, Brazil and Japan. None of us need to know, but the lack of response to  Mr Trump should be clear and cross-cutting.

If not this best option of international coordination, then act individually, in a manner  consistent with WTO rules. Retaliate against the tariffs at choice. Reduce tariffs where  possible (that’s in India’s interest in any case) across the board for all countries. Or,  if that makes one nervous because “all” includes China, follow a Free Trade  Agreement path. The WTO permits countries to selectively reduce tariffs with those  countries we have FTAs with. FTAs contain provisions for local value-added to  prevent trade leakage; a common norm is 40 percent. We should deepen our existing  trade agreements with ASEAN, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Sri Lanka and the UAE,  quickly conclude our long-negotiated agreement with the EU and UK, and apply to join  the CPTPP that is both wide (few items are excluded) and deep (tariffs are very low or  zero) in scope. If we must negotiate with the US, let us pursue an FTA, but not be in  a hurry to conclude anything. We should prioritise deepening our trading relationship  with countries that play by the rules, not those that disregard signed agreements and  assault friend and foe alike.  

The worst option is to play Mr Trump’s game. Mr Trump claims over 70 countries have  already approached his administration. Based on his history, there is no reason to  believe him. He wants countries to come calling, ready to negotiate. It is the classic  behaviour of a bully to pick on the weak. We should make no mistake. We will end  up with the same relationship a bully has with his (in this case it isn’t relevant to add  “or her”) chelas: one of deference and insults and collusion in bullying others, at least  until it’s our turn to be bullied. 

Mr Trump thrives on uncertainty; he likes to keep the world agog, guessing what  comes next. If the world plays instead by existing multilateral rules, it chooses the  certainty on which innovation and entrepreneurship thrive. 

The prime minister of Singapore reacted to the US’ tariff announcements with a  characteristically articulate and thoughtful response. It was, also, unusually forceful  with a dire warning of the world entering a dangerous phase of potential fracture. He  reminded us of the thirties, when protection triggered retaliation, which triggered  economic chaos, which triggered war. (Lawrence Wong’s initial speech now has more  views than the population of his country.) His warning is well meant and needed: how  the world responds to the US tariffs will affect more than just trade. If most leading  countries respond with greater collaboration, easier access for travel and movement 

of people, lower protection, and stronger support for existing multilateral bodies, we  could turn things round in a positive direction. That would make the world great, and  with it all countries in it. If countries pursue selfish policies of trying to make only  themselves great, they will destroy their own prospects (just look at the US stock  market, bond market, and frenzied pleas from the likes of Apple and Microsoft in the  last week) and damage the rest of the world. 

There is another troubling dimension. The speeches, claims and actions we have  seen in the last twelve weeks says much about the importance of standards in public  life, about how nations deal with each other, speak to each other, relate to each other.  What if an Indian leader said Bangladesh should be its 29th state, and that we should  have New Zealand “because we need it”? If we behaved this way we would be, quite  correctly, ignored and ostracised by the rest of the world. The US should be held to  the same standard.  

A final comment. As one who earlier spent years studying and teaching in the US, we  must draw a distinction between a country’s government and its people. A country is  not equal to its government. I have many close American friends who are more  horrified by their president’s words and actions than any foreigner. The governor of  California, the world’s fourth largest economy if it were a country, has already said the  US president does not speak for it. We should remind ourselves, too, of many decades  of the US providing the moral authority we all looked up to. A spirit of generosity and  willingness to shoulder international obligations lent weight to that moral authority. As  the current administration in Washington deliberately discards decades of moral  leadership, we should remind ourselves that Americans have not changed. The  American government has. If we heed Lawrence Wong’s warning, we need not repeat  the 1930s. The choices we make now, of coordination, fairness, mutual respect and  respect for national feelings will determine how things play out. Seeking common  prosperity for all countries is the best way to assure ones own.  

Naushad Forbes 

ndforbes@forbesmarshall.com 

Co-Chairman Forbes Marshall, Past President CII, Chairman of Centre for Technology  Innovation and Economic Research and Ananta Aspen Centre. His book, The Struggle  and the Promise has been published by HarperCollins. 

(Published in Business Standard dated 17th April 2025)